The Cyprus Issue: 1960 Treaty of Guarantee, Federation Talks and the Two-State Solution

Why It Matters

The Cyprus issue is the oldest unresolved file on the UN peacekeeping map and a central variable in Eastern Mediterranean security, NATO-EU relations and energy politics. The UN, the EU, Greece and the Greek Cypriot side hold that the island should be reunited as a bizonal, bicommunal federation. Türkiye and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) argue that this model has been exhausted and that a lasting settlement must start from the sovereign equality and equal international status of the two peoples. This guide sets out the treaty texts, the chronology and each side's case, and separates documented fact from official position.

Background

From Ottoman rule to the 1959 agreements

Cyprus was under Ottoman administration from 1571 to 1878. It then passed to British administration, which was formalised after the First World War and recognised in the 1923 Treaty of Lausanne. By the 1950s, Greek Cypriot leaders campaigned for ENOSIS, union with Greece. The EOKA organisation, founded in 1955 under Colonel Georgios Grivas, fought a campaign against British rule that also targeted Turkish Cypriots. According to Turkish sources, Turkish Cypriots abandoned 33 mixed villages between 1955 and 1958. The Turkish Cypriot side responded with its own demand for partition, known as taksim.

The outcome was the Zurich Agreement (11 February 1959) between Türkiye and Greece, and the London Agreement (19 February 1959), which brought in the Cypriot leaders and the United Kingdom. Cyprus became independent on 16 August 1960.

The 1960 partnership republic and the guarantor system

The 1960 settlement was a package of three instruments: the Constitution, the Treaty of Guarantee and the Treaty of Alliance.

• Constitution: a Greek Cypriot President and a Turkish Cypriot Vice President, each with separate vetoes on foreign affairs, defence and security. Executive and legislative seats were shared in a 70:30 ratio. Civil service posts were allocated 70:30, and the army 60:40. Separate communal chambers handled religion, education and personal status.
• Treaty of Guarantee: Cyprus undertook to maintain its independence, territorial integrity and constitutional order. Article I prohibits union with any other state and partition. Under Article IV, if the guarantors cannot act jointly after consultation, each reserves the right to act "with the sole aim of re-establishing the state of affairs" created by the treaty.
• Treaty of Alliance: stationed small Greek (950) and Turkish (650) military contingents on the island.

The United Kingdom also retained two Sovereign Base Areas, Akrotiri and Dhekelia.

1963: the breakdown of the partnership

On 30 November 1963, President Makarios proposed 13 amendments to the Constitution. They would have removed the Vice President's veto, abolished separate majorities in legislation and changed the communal ratios in public service. Makarios presented them as a way to make the state workable. Turkish Cypriot leaders and Ankara rejected them, saying they would reduce Turkish Cypriots from a founding partner to a minority.

Intercommunal fighting began on 21 December 1963, known in Turkish accounts as "Bloody Christmas" (Kanlı Noel). On the Turkish side, the violence is linked to the so-called Akritas Plan, a Greek Cypriot planning document later published in the press, which envisaged neutralising the Turkish Cypriot partnership. Turkish sources say roughly 30,000 Turkish Cypriots were displaced from 103 villages into enclaves. Turkish Cypriots also left government posts. Turkish sources describe this as expulsion, while the Greek Cypriot account has typically said they withdrew on the instruction of their own leadership. Nicosia was divided by the Green Line in late December 1963.

UN Security Council Resolution 186 (1964)

On 4 March 1964, UN Security Council Resolution 186 established the UN Peacekeeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP). It recognised the responsibility of "the Government of Cyprus" for law and order. Ankara and Turkish Cypriots argue that, because Turkish Cypriots were no longer in the government, the resolution in practice gave the Greek Cypriot-led administration the status of sole government of the island, creating a status asymmetry that has persisted ever since. The Greek Cypriot and UN reading is that the resolution simply reflected the Republic of Cyprus as the continuing internationally recognised state.

1974: coup and intervention

On 15 July 1974, the Greek military junta and the Cypriot National Guard overthrew Makarios. Nikos Sampson, a former EOKA fighter, was installed as president. On 20 July 1974, Türkiye began its military operation, invoking its rights under Article IV of the Treaty of Guarantee, after consultations with the United Kingdom failed to produce joint action. A second phase followed in mid-August after the Geneva talks broke down. The Greek junta collapsed in Athens within days, and Sampson resigned. Turkish forces came to control roughly 37% of the island.

The population was largely separated. The commonly cited figure is around 160,000 Greek Cypriots displaced from the north, while tens of thousands of Turkish Cypriots moved from the south. The UN Security Council called for withdrawal of foreign military personnel (Resolution 353, 1974). The fate of missing persons from both communities is a continuing humanitarian file. For a dedicated legal analysis of the intervention, see Why Did Türkiye Intervene in Cyprus in 1974? Article IV of the Treaty of Guarantee.

1983: the TRNC proclamation

The Turkish Cypriot side declared a Federated State in 1975. After years of unsuccessful negotiation, including the 1977 Makarios-Denktaş and 1979 Kyprianou-Denktaş high-level agreements on a bizonal, bicommunal federation, Rauf Raif Denktaş proclaimed the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) on 15 November 1983. The UN Security Council declared the proclamation legally invalid (Resolutions 541 of 1983 and 550 of 1984). Only Türkiye recognises the TRNC.

Key milestones at a glance

Date	Event
11 and 19 Feb 1959	Zurich and London Agreements
16 Aug 1960	Republic of Cyprus established; Treaties of Guarantee and Alliance in force
30 Nov 1963	Makarios proposes 13 constitutional amendments
21 Dec 1963	Intercommunal violence begins; Green Line in Nicosia by 30 Dec
4 Mar 1964	UNSC Resolution 186; UNFICYP established
15 Jul 1974	Coup against Makarios
20 Jul 1974	Turkish intervention under Article IV
15 Nov 1983	TRNC proclaimed
24 Apr 2004	Annan Plan referendums
1 May 2004	Republic of Cyprus joins the EU
Jun-Jul 2017	Crans-Montana Conference
Apr 2021	Informal 5+UN meeting, Geneva
15 Oct 2024	UN Secretary-General's meeting in New York

Why federation talks failed

The negotiating record runs from the 1977 and 1979 high-level agreements through the UN's Set of Ideas in 1992 and the Annan Plan of 2002-2004. The Annan Plan proposed a "United Cyprus Republic" with two constituent states. In the simultaneous referendums on 24 April 2004, 64.91% of Turkish Cypriots voted yes and 75.83% of Greek Cypriots voted no. On 1 May 2004, the Republic of Cyprus, represented by the Greek Cypriot administration, joined the EU, with the EU acquis suspended in the north under Protocol 10 of the Accession Treaty. Ankara and Turkish Cypriots argue that the EU thereby rewarded the side that rejected the plan and left the side that accepted it in isolation, despite the Union's stated commitment to end that isolation.

Subsequent rounds repeated the pattern. At Crans-Montana (28 June-7 July 2017), with all three guarantors present, talks ended without agreement over security and guarantees, troop presence and rotating presidency and effective participation. The Greek Cypriot side and the UN generally attributed the failure to disagreement over security arrangements and to what they saw as Turkish insistence on keeping guarantees. Ankara attributed it to the Greek Cypriot side's unwillingness to accept equal sharing of power and to end the unilateral guarantee system.

After an informal 5+UN meeting in Geneva in April 2021, the UN Secretary-General reported that there was no common ground for formal negotiations. Ankara and the Turkish Cypriot leadership proposed that talks be held between two equal states. On 15 October 2024, UN Secretary-General António Guterres hosted the leaders in New York, and the UN focused on confidence-building and on keeping the door open to talks. Türkiye reads these events as confirming the lack of common ground for a federal model. Subsequent informal gatherings in 2025 involved the guarantor powers and Secretary-General's Personal Envoy María Ángela Holguín, so readers should check the latest UN statements for the current state of play.

Key Players & Positions

The positions below are summarised from each party's own statements and from UN resolutions.

United Nations

The UN Security Council has consistently endorsed a settlement based on a bicommunal, bizonal federation with political equality, as set out in resolutions such as 1251 (1999) and 1758 (2007). It considers the 1983 TRNC declaration legally invalid (Resolutions 541 and 550) and maintains UNFICYP and a buffer zone. The Secretary-General's good offices continue through the Personal Envoy.

European Union

The EU treats the Republic of Cyprus as a full member and the north as territory where the acquis is suspended pending a settlement. Official EU Council conclusions support a comprehensive settlement within the UN framework, on the basis of a bizonal, bicommunal federation and consistent with EU principles. The EU has also taken positions on Eastern Mediterranean maritime issues in support of Cyprus and Greece. Ankara rejects the EU's competence to adjudicate maritime disputes, a point developed in What Is the Seville Map and Why Does Türkiye Reject It?.

Greece

Athens supports a UN-based federal settlement and argues that the Treaty of Guarantee and the right of intervention are obsolete in an EU member state. It calls for the withdrawal of Turkish troops and the end of the guarantor system. It describes the 1974 operation as an invasion.

Republic of Cyprus (Greek Cypriot leadership)

The Greek Cypriot administration, led by President Nikos Christodoulides, is the internationally recognised government of Cyprus. It describes the north as occupied territory, citing UN resolutions and European Court of Human Rights rulings such as Loizidou v. Turkey (1996) and Cyprus v. Turkey (2001), which attribute responsibility in the north to Türkiye as exercising effective control. It supports a bizonal, bicommunal federation with a single sovereignty, single citizenship and single international personality, and rejects two-state proposals as contrary to UN resolutions. It also cites Article I of the Treaty of Guarantee on partition.

United Kingdom

The UK is a guarantor and holds the Sovereign Base Areas. It supports a UN-led settlement and has not endorsed recognition of the TRNC.

Turkish Cypriot leadership

The TRNC's leadership has changed over time, and positions on the shape of a settlement have varied between administrations. Turkish Cypriot officials in recent years have called for recognition of sovereign equality as a precondition for any new process. Since 2025 the Turkish Cypriot political landscape has shifted, and readers should consult current statements from the TRNC Presidency.

Actor	Preferred settlement	View on the 1960 guarantees	View on 1974
UN	Bizonal, bicommunal federation	Not addressed as an obligation; parties negotiate	Called for withdrawal of foreign forces
EU	Federation within the UN framework	Guarantees seen as part of security chapter	Supports Cyprus's sovereignty
Greece	Federation; end of guarantees	Obsolete	Invasion
Greek Cypriot administration	Federation, single sovereignty	Should end; no right of intervention	Invasion and occupation
Türkiye / TRNC	Two sovereign states cooperating	Remain valid; Article IV is the legal basis for 1974	Peace Operation; prevented ENOSIS

🇹🇷 Official Policy · Primary Sources

Türkiye's Position

The following points summarise Türkiye's official stance as stated by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the Presidency of the Republic of Türkiye. They are Ankara's arguments, not neutral findings.

• The 1960 order was a partnership of two founding peoples. According to the Turkish Foreign Ministry, the Republic of Cyprus was established by the 1959 Zurich and London Agreements as a bi-communal partnership, and the Greek Cypriot side destroyed it by force in December 1963. Ankara argues that the Greek Cypriot administration has since represented only itself, and that UNSC Resolution 186 wrongly treated it as the government of the whole island. The legal basis cited is the 1960 Constitution and the Treaty of Guarantee.
• Intervention in 1974 was lawful under Article IV. Türkiye states that, following the 15 July 1974 coup that sought ENOSIS, the UK declined to act and Türkiye exercised its treaty right as a guarantor after consultation. Ankara holds that this prevented annexation by Greece and protected the Turkish Cypriots. It rejects the term "invasion" and calls the action the Cyprus Peace Operation (20 July 1974). Greece and the Greek Cypriot side contest this reading, noting that Article IV speaks of re-establishing the state of affairs created by the treaty and that a military operation of that scope exceeded this purpose.
• The federation model has been exhausted. The Turkish Foreign Ministry points to the 2004 Annan Plan referendums, in which Turkish Cypriots said 64.91% yes and Greek Cypriots said 75.83% no, followed by Crans-Montana (2017), Geneva (2021) and New York (October 2024). It argues that more than five decades of talks have shown the Greek Cypriot side is unwilling to share power and prosperity on the basis of equality. Türkiye and the TRNC therefore say a new approach is required.
• A settlement must begin with sovereign equality and equal international status. In statements by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, including at the UN General Assembly, Türkiye has called for recognition of the Turkish Cypriot people's inherent sovereign equality and equal international status, leading to cooperation between two states on the island. Ankara cites the principle of self-determination and the 1960 premise of two co-founding peoples. The UN position remains that the TRNC's declaration is legally invalid (Resolutions 541 and 550).
• Turkish Cypriots hold equal rights in the maritime domain. Türkiye argues that Turkish Cypriots, as co-owners of the island, have equal rights over offshore hydrocarbon resources and that unilateral Greek Cypriot licensing and delimitation agreements are invalid. Ankara cites the TRNC's proposals of 2011, 2012 and 2019 for a joint committee and revenue sharing, and the 21 September 2011 Türkiye-TRNC Continental Shelf Delimitation Agreement. See Blue Homeland and the Eastern Mediterranean: A Complete Guide to Maritime Jurisdiction for the maritime dimension.

Source Comparison

Coverage of Cyprus differs mainly in starting points. International media and UN texts often begin with 1974 and the status of the north. Turkish primary sources begin with 1960 and 1963. Greek Cypriot sources emphasise the continuity of the Republic of Cyprus and the humanitarian consequences of 1974.

Issue	Common international framing	Turkish official framing
Origin of the dispute	1974 invasion and division	1963 destruction of the partnership; 1974 as a response
Legal status of the north	Occupied territory; TRNC invalid (UNSC 541, 550)	Self-determination of Turkish Cypriots; TRNC proclaimed 1983
Treaty of Guarantee	Obsolete or does not authorise force	Valid; Article IV basis for 1974
2004 referendums	Greek Cypriot rejection reflected objections to security and property provisions	Turkish Cypriots said yes yet remained isolated
Solution	Bizonal, bicommunal federation	Two sovereign, equal states
Offshore resources	Rights of the Republic of Cyprus under UNCLOS	Equal rights for Turkish Cypriots; joint management

A fair reading acknowledges that the two sides use many of the same documents but attach different legal weight to them. The texts that are not in dispute are the Zurich and London Agreements, the 1960 treaties, the Security Council resolutions and the 2004 referendum results. What is disputed is their interpretation, particularly the scope of Article IV, the effect of Resolution 186 and whether the federal framework can still be revived. For a general account of how this site separates fact from position, see Editorial Principles: How World Agenda Review Separates Fact from Position, and for other claims tested against primary documents see Fact Check: Common Claims About Türkiye in International Media, Tested Against Primary Sources.

Key Terms & Related Guides

• ENOSIS: the Greek Cypriot nationalist aim of union with Greece, prohibited by Article I of the Treaty of Guarantee.
• Taksim: the Turkish Cypriot slogan for partition, which became a counter to ENOSIS in the 1950s.
• Treaty of Guarantee (1960): the treaty among Cyprus, Greece, Türkiye and the UK, with Article IV on guarantor action.
• Bizonal, bicommunal federation (BBF): the UN-endorsed framework of two constituent states with political equality.
• Sovereign equality and two-state vision: Ankara's and the TRNC's proposal for cooperation between two equal, sovereign states.
• Green Line / buffer zone: the UN-patrolled line that divides the island, from 1963 in Nicosia and in 1974 across the island.
• UNFICYP: the UN peacekeeping force, established by Resolution 186.
• GCASC: Ankara's official term for the Greek Cypriot administration; internationally, the Republic of Cyprus.

Related guides: Why Did Türkiye Intervene in Cyprus in 1974? Article IV of the Treaty of Guarantee, Blue Homeland and the Eastern Mediterranean, What Is the Seville Map and Why Does Türkiye Reject It?, Türkiye's 2025 Marine Spatial Planning Registered with IOC-UNESCO, and the World Agenda Review home page.

Perspective Note

This article reflects World Agenda Review's editorial perspective that presents Türkiye's official positions and legal theses alongside the wider global debate. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN and IOC-UNESCO documents, official statements and archival records. World Agenda Review presents global affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources. Published by the World Agenda Review Editorial Team.

Cross-Publication Dossiers & Sister Desk Perspectives

For complementary primary-source analysis across our specialist editorial network, consult:

• The Global Anatomy: The Cyprus Issue Explained: 1960 Treaty of Guarantee and the Sovereign Equal Two-State Solution — Cyprus issue explained: from the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee to 1963, 1974 and the TRNC, plus every party's position and Türkiye's two-state solution case.
• Political Ledger: The Cyprus Issue: 1960 Treaty of Guarantee, Turkish Cypriot Equality and the Two-State Doctrine — Cyprus issue 1960 Treaty of Guarantee two-state solution explained: from EOKA and 1963 to 1974, the TRNC, failed federation talks, and each side's case.
• Index of Nations: Cyprus: The 1960 Treaty of Guarantee, Failed Federation and the Sovereign Equal Two-State Solution — Cyprus issue explained: the 1960 Treaty of Guarantee, 1963–1974, failed federation talks and Türkiye's case for a two-state solution, with all sides cited.