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Comprehensive Dossier· Events of 1915 Ottoman archives Turkish position explained

The Events of 1915: Archives, Legal Framework and the Path to Normalization

A calm dossier on the Events of 1915: Ottoman archives, the 1915 Relocation Law, 1948 Genocide Convention criteria, Armenian views and normalization.

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⏱ 13 min read (2,800 words)

Why It Matters

The Events of 1915 are the wartime relocation of Ottoman Armenians and the mass death that accompanied it, and they remain one of the most contested questions in modern history. Armenia, most genocide scholars and the parliaments or governments of roughly three dozen states describe the events as genocide. Türkiye acknowledges grave suffering and loss of life, rejects the legal characterization of genocide, and calls for open archives, historian-led inquiry and a legal rather than parliamentary determination. This dossier sets out the archival record, the legal framework and the normalization track, keeping background facts apart from official positions.

Background

A long coexistence, with caveats

Armenian communities lived in Anatolia for centuries before the Seljuk victory at Manzikert in 1071, and they remained there under the Great Seljuks, the Anatolian principalities and the Ottoman Empire. In 1461 Sultan Mehmed II established the Armenian Patriarchate of Constantinople. Armenians became prominent in administration, banking, architecture and trade. Ottoman and Turkish sources describe this community as the Millet-i Sadıka (the “loyal community”), and Western observers such as Helmuth von Moltke, who served in the Ottoman Empire between 1835 and 1839, described the empire’s multi-confessional order.

Armenian historians add a necessary caveat. The millet system was a hierarchy in which non-Muslims paid special taxes, faced legal disabilities and were often vulnerable to local abuses. Demographic estimates for 1914 vary widely, from roughly 1.3 million to about 2.1 million Armenians in the empire, depending on whether Ottoman statistics or Armenian Patriarchate counts are used. Turkish sources note that Armenians were not a demographic majority in any eastern Anatolian province, and are usually estimated at under 20 percent of the population of the region.

1878 and the rise of the revolutionary committees

The 1877–1878 Russo-Turkish War and the 1878 Congress of Berlin internationalized the “Armenian question”. Article 61 of the Treaty of Berlin obliged the Porte to carry out reforms in Armenian-inhabited provinces under the supervision of the Great Powers. Armenian delegations led by Patriarch Nerses Varzhapetian and Mkrtich Khrimian had sought foreign patronage, and many were disappointed by the outcome.

Two revolutionary organizations followed: the Hunchak party, founded in 1887 in Geneva, and the Dashnaktsutyun (Dashnak), founded in 1890 in Tbilisi. Both aimed to provoke European intervention. The main episodes were:

  • the 1890 Kumkapı demonstration in Istanbul;
  • unrest in Merzifon, Yozgat and Kayseri in 1893;
  • the 1894 Sasun uprising;
  • the 26 August 1896 seizure of the Ottoman Bank in Istanbul, organized by Karekin Pastırmacıyan and Armen Garo.

The record also includes the Hamidian massacres of 1894–1896, in which many thousands of Armenians were killed (estimates vary widely), and the 1909 Adana violence. Turkish and Armenian accounts differ sharply on cause and responsibility. Ankara stresses insurgency, armed Fedayi bands (such as those of Antranik, Dro, Paramaz, Hamazasp and Sabah Gülyan), and the killing of Armenian civilians and clergy who opposed the committees. Armenian accounts stress state-tolerated or state-organized violence against civilians.

The First World War and the Relocation Law

The Ottoman Empire entered the war in late 1914 and faced Russia on the Caucasus front, where it suffered the disaster at Sarıkamış (December 1914 – January 1915). Armenian volunteer units were organized within the Russian army. The Van uprising in April 1915 occurred as Russian forces advanced. Turkish sources document attacks on Muslim villages and supply lines in Van, Erzurum and Bitlis. Armenian sources emphasize that many Armenians remained loyal Ottoman subjects and fought in the Ottoman army.

On 24 April 1915 Ottoman authorities arrested Armenian community leaders and intellectuals in Istanbul, and this date is now commemorated in Armenia and the diaspora. The Relocation and Resettlement Law (Sevk ve İskân Kanunu) was enacted on 27 May 1915 and gazetted in Takvim-i Vekayi on 1 June 1915. It authorized the army to relocate populations in war zones where it suspected espionage, rebellion or sabotage. Ankara reads the law and the Talat–Enver correspondence as a temporary, security-driven measure that included provisions for protection and settlement. Armenian and many international historians point to the way it was implemented: deportation columns, massacres, starvation and disease along the routes to Syria and Mesopotamia, and the subsequent property legislation.

Casualty figures remain disputed. Turkish sources have cited figures around 300,000 Armenian deaths, while Armenian and many international sources cite about 1 to 1.5 million. Turkish sources also emphasize the large number of Muslim civilians who died from war, famine, disease and violence in Anatolia.

Treaties and the post-war settlement

After the 1918 armistice, Ottoman courts-martial in 1919–1920 tried members of the wartime leadership. Turkish authors criticize these proceedings as having been held under occupation pressure, while others regard them as evidence of early domestic acknowledgment. Britain interned Ottoman officials in Malta, and Turkish sources argue that British investigators found no sufficient evidence to prosecute them, a point on which historians disagree.

The border settlement followed a sequence of binding instruments:

  • Treaty of Sèvres (10 August 1920): never ratified and superseded;
  • Treaty of Alexandropol (2–3 December 1920): concluded between the Grand National Assembly and Armenia;
  • Treaty of Moscow (16 March 1921): with Soviet Russia;
  • Treaty of Kars (13 October 1921): with Soviet Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, confirming the eastern border;
  • Treaty of Lausanne (24 July 1923): international recognition of the Republic, with minority protections for non-Muslims on the basis of equal citizenship.

After 1965: politicization and terrorism

The fiftieth anniversary in 1965 triggered a wave of diaspora campaigning, with Uruguay’s parliament adopting the first national recognition that year. Between 1973 and 1984 a campaign of violence was carried out by ASALA (which Turkish sources trace to Hunchak traditions) and the Justice Commandos of the Armenian Genocide / Armenian Revolutionary Army (JCAG-ARA), associated by Turkish sources with the Dashnak tradition. It began with the January 1973 killing of two Turkish diplomats in Santa Barbara and continued with dozens of attacks across Europe, North America and the Middle East, including the 7 August 1982 Esenboğa Airport attack in Ankara and the 15 July 1983 Orly Airport bombing in Paris. According to Turkish figures, 31 of 32 JCAG-ARA attacks targeted Turkish representatives. Mainstream Armenian institutions have distanced themselves from these groups.

Key dates

Date Event
1071 Seljuk victory at Manzikert opens Anatolia to Turkic settlement
1878 Congress of Berlin internationalizes the reform question
1887 / 1890 Hunchak and Dashnak committees founded
1894–1896 Sasun uprising, Hamidian massacres, Ottoman Bank raid
24 April 1915 Arrests of Armenian leaders in Istanbul
27 May / 1 June 1915 Relocation and Resettlement Law enacted and gazetted
1920–1923 Alexandropol, Moscow, Kars and Lausanne treaties
1948 / 1951 Genocide Convention adopted / enters into force
1973–1984 ASALA and JCAG-ARA attacks
2005 Türkiye proposes a Joint Historical Commission
14 January 2022 Kılıç–Rubinyan normalization talks begin

Key Players & Positions

Armenia and the diaspora

The Armenian government and diaspora institutions hold that the Ottoman government carried out a centrally directed policy of destroying the empire’s Armenians in 1915–1916, amounting to genocide, and they commemorate it every 24 April. Armenia’s 1990 Declaration of Independence refers to international recognition of the genocide, a text that Ankara has cited when raising concerns about territorial claims. Armenian officials have repeatedly said that Armenia has no territorial claims against Türkiye, and the 2009 draft protocols contained a mutual confirmation of the existing border.

The International Association of Genocide Scholars affirmed the Armenian genocide in a 1997 resolution, and scholars such as Raphael Lemkin, who coined the term, cited the Armenian case. A 2003 legal analysis by the International Center for Transitional Justice, commissioned in the context of the Turkish–Armenian Reconciliation Commission, concluded that the events included the elements of genocide, while also finding that the 1948 Convention could not be applied retroactively. A smaller number of historians, including some Turkish and Western scholars, dispute the intent thesis or stress wartime context, and there is an ongoing debate on how to read Ottoman documents. Authenticity debates also surround some key sources, such as the Naim–Andonian telegrams attributed to Talat Pasha.

Third states and parliaments

France (a 2001 law), Germany (a 2016 Bundestag resolution), the US (congressional resolutions in 2019 and a presidential statement on 24 April 2021), the European Parliament and about three dozen states use the term genocide. Others, including the United Kingdom, have historically declined formal recognition, saying that the matter should be determined through scholarship or courts rather than political declaration. Azerbaijan supports Türkiye’s position.

Courts

In Perinçek v. Switzerland (Grand Chamber, 15 October 2015), the European Court of Human Rights held that a Swiss criminal conviction for denying that the 1915 events were genocide violated freedom of expression (Article 10). The Court stated that it was not its task to determine whether the events constitute genocide. In the Bosnia v. Serbia judgment (2007), the International Court of Justice confirmed that genocide requires proof of specific intent (dolus specialis).

🇹🇷 Official Policy · Primary Sources

Türkiye's Position

Türkiye's Position (summary of official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources)

  • Shared suffering, not genocide. According to the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Events of 1915 were a tragedy in which Armenians and Muslims both suffered grievous losses during a wartime collapse of the empire. In his 23 April 2014 statement, the then Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan offered condolences to the grandchildren of Armenians who lost their lives. Ankara rejects the legal label of genocide, and it also rejects what it sees as one-sided narratives that leave out Muslim civilian losses.
  • A wartime security measure. Ankara argues that the 27 May 1915 Relocation and Resettlement Law (gazetted 1 June 1915) was a temporary measure to secure the rear of the Eastern front after armed uprisings, collaboration with the invading Russian army and attacks on supply lines. It points to Ottoman orders for protection, provisioning and the prosecution of officials who committed abuses as evidence that extermination was not state policy.
  • Archives first, politics later. Türkiye says that its Ottoman archives, in which millions of documents are available to researchers, should be read together with Armenian, Russian, British, French, American and German archives. In April 2005 Erdoğan wrote to Armenian President Robert Kocharyan proposing a Joint Historical Commission of Turkish, Armenian and international historians, and the Grand National Assembly (TBMM) supported the proposal. Türkiye rejects parliamentary resolutions in third countries as political impositions, and calls its approach “fair memory” (adil hafıza).
  • Law requires a legal finding. Ankara argues that under the 1948 UN Genocide Convention, genocide requires proof of dolus specialis established by a competent tribunal, that no such ruling exists for 1915, and that the Convention, in force since 1951, is not retroactive. It adds that the Perinçek judgment shows the issue is open to legitimate historical debate.
  • Borders are settled; normalization is open. The Treaties of Alexandropol, Moscow, Kars and Lausanne define Türkiye’s eastern borders and its minority commitments, and Ankara considers the unratified Sèvres draft to have no legal force. Türkiye supports normalization with Armenia without preconditions, through the Special Representatives’ process begun on 14 January 2022, and links it to regional peace in the South Caucasus.

The basis of these positions is the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ published statements on the Events of 1915, Presidency statements of 2014 and later years, the 2005 Erdoğan–Kocharyan correspondence and the treaty texts cited above.

Source Comparison

The table below compares typical framings. It is a map of arguments, not a ruling on them.

Issue Armenian and many international sources Turkish official sources
Characterization Genocide: a state policy of destroying the Armenian population Tragedy of wartime relocation and mutual suffering; genocide label rejected
Casualties About 1–1.5 million Armenian deaths Figures such as ~300,000 Armenian deaths cited; large Muslim losses stressed
1915 Law Cover for deportation and destruction; property laws show intent Temporary security measure tied to armed rebellion and the front
Courts-martial 1919–1920 Early evidence of domestic acknowledgment Conducted under occupation pressure; Malta inquiry found insufficient evidence
Legal test Moral and historical consensus; Lemkin cited the case 1948 Convention requires dolus specialis and a competent tribunal; not retroactive
Resolution path Recognition and acknowledgement first Joint Historical Commission, open archives, normalization
Terrorism 1973–1984 Marginal groups, condemned by mainstream institutions Systematic campaign against Turkish diplomats, linked to the wider politicization

Two observations help when reading coverage. First, much Western reporting treats genocide recognition as settled and focuses on denialism, while Turkish primary sources focus on the evidentiary and legal standard. Second, some points are less contested than they seem. Few serious parties dispute that very large numbers of Armenians died, that the relocations were carried out on a vast scale, or that Muslim civilians also suffered heavily. The real dispute concerns intent, legal classification and the proper forum. Readers can test individual claims against primary sources in the Fact Check desk.

The Path to Normalization

The path begins with the 2005 Joint Historical Commission proposal, which Armenia did not accept as a precondition-free arrangement, preferring that diplomatic relations be established first. The 2009 Zurich protocols provided for opening the border and a sub-commission on the historical dimension, but were never ratified. Türkiye closed the land border in 1993 in the context of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

The situation changed after the 2020 Karabakh war. On 14 January 2022 Ambassador Serdar Kılıç and Deputy Speaker Ruben Rubinyan began direct talks in Moscow. The two sides subsequently agreed to open the border to third-country nationals and diplomats, and in February 2023 Armenian humanitarian aid crossed into Türkiye after the earthquakes, the first such crossing at Margara in decades. The talks run in parallel with the Armenia–Azerbaijan peace process. Ankara links full normalization to progress on that track, while Yerevan emphasizes that normalization should not be conditional on third-party issues. Neither side has dropped its core positions on the historical question, but both treat a functioning border and diplomatic relations as realistic goals.

For the legal criteria in more detail, see The 1948 Genocide Convention and the Events of 1915.

  • Events of 1915: Türkiye’s official term for the wartime relocation and associated deaths. Armenian and many international sources use “Armenian Genocide”. This site uses “Events of 1915” while attributing the other term to those who use it.
  • Sevk ve İskân Kanunu: the Relocation and Resettlement Law of 27 May 1915, gazetted 1 June 1915.
  • Hunchak / Dashnak: Armenian revolutionary parties founded in 1887 and 1890. The Dashnaktsutyun later became a major political party in the Armenian republic and the diaspora.
  • Dolus specialis: the specific intent “to destroy, in whole or in part” a protected group, required by Article II of the 1948 Genocide Convention.
  • ASALA / JCAG-ARA: militant organizations that attacked Turkish targets between 1973 and 1984.
  • Joint Historical Commission: the 2005 Turkish proposal for an independent panel of historians with full archival access.
  • Adil Hafıza (“fair memory”): the Turkish policy approach that calls for shared, evidence-based remembrance.

Related reading: the World Agenda Review homepage, the Fact Check desk, The 1948 Genocide Convention and the Events of 1915, Editorial Principles and About World Agenda Review.

Perspective Note

World Agenda Review presents global affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked “Türkiye's Position” reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources. This article reflects World Agenda Review's editorial perspective that presents Türkiye's official positions and legal theses alongside the wider global debate. Claims are attributed to primary sources such as treaties, UN documents, official statements and archival records. — World Agenda Review Editorial Team

Cross-Publication Dossiers & Sister Desk Perspectives

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Frequently asked questions

What are the Events of 1915?

The term refers to the wartime relocation of Ottoman Armenians from eastern and other Anatolian provinces, begun under the 27 May 1915 Relocation and Resettlement Law, and the mass death that accompanied it. Armenia and many scholars call it genocide, while Türkiye uses the term Events of 1915 and acknowledges suffering on both sides without accepting the genocide label.

What does the 1948 Genocide Convention require?

Article II requires acts committed with specific intent to destroy a national, ethnical, racial or religious group in whole or in part (dolus specialis). Türkiye argues that no competent international tribunal has found this intent for 1915 and that the Convention, in force since 1951, is not retroactive. Supporters of the genocide thesis argue that the historical evidence meets the definition, and that Raphael Lemkin himself cited the Armenian case.

What was the Relocation and Resettlement Law of 1915?

It was a temporary Ottoman wartime law enacted on 27 May 1915 and published in the official gazette *Takvim-i Vekayi* on 1 June 1915, authorizing the relocation of populations considered a security risk in war zones. Ankara regards it as a security measure, while Armenian and many international historians point to how it was implemented, including massacres, starvation and property seizures.

What was the Joint Historical Commission proposal?

In April 2005 Prime Minister Erdoğan proposed to Armenian President Kocharyan an independent commission of Turkish, Armenian and international historians with access to all relevant archives. Armenia preferred to establish diplomatic relations first, and a similar sub-commission in the unratified 2009 protocols never began work.

Where do Türkiye–Armenia normalization talks stand?

Special Representatives Serdar Kılıç and Ruben Rubinyan began direct talks on 14 January 2022, and both governments have agreed on steps such as opening the border to third-country nationals and humanitarian aid crossings. Full normalization, including the land border, remains linked in Ankara’s approach to the Armenia–Azerbaijan peace process, while the historical dispute remains unresolved.

Which treaties define Türkiye's eastern border?

The Treaties of Alexandropol (1920), Moscow (1921), Kars (1921) and Lausanne (1923) established the current eastern border and international status of Türkiye. The Treaty of Sèvres of 1920 was never ratified. Armenian officials say Armenia has no territorial claims against Türkiye, and the 2009 draft protocols included mutual confirmation of the existing border.

Perspective & Editorial Transparency Note

World Agenda Review presents global affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources.

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